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Renat Kornilov
Renat Kornilov

Assing Too Much Peterfever !LINK!

"While at the porn convention, I met this guy Christian who has been a longtime fan of mine. He told me how he always dreamed about filming me play with myself. So I said, "What the fuck, come up to my room and let's make some magic." He started by having me get on my back and start fingering myself. He said, "Visualize that I'm inside of you, penetrating your sweet ass with my huge hard cock. Finger yourself harder," he shouted while holding the camera with one hand and his dick with the other. "Now turn over while I eat your ass out." Christian took control of me like no one else before. I liked how he played out his fantasy with me; it kept getting me hot and horny. At one point, I actually thought he was in my tight ass and all I could think was how much I loved it. I realized later that Christian not only took control behind the camera, he actually mind-fucked me senseless. I'm so glad we both met and I look forward to meeting some of you."

Assing too much peterfever

"I was working late in the office. There was so much work to get done and it wasn't going to go away by itself. I got back from dinner and I had enough, I needed to relax. I had to get all of this pent up frustration out and clear my mind if I was going to get any more work done. I invite you into my office to watch me release some stress in "Office Workload"."

"My favorite time of the day is when I have my alone time in the shower. I love being naked and feeling the cold water pour down my body. When the water drips on me it feels like dozens of fingers playing across my skin. I my thing of Beijing & Shanghai, while I'm performing on stage, I got all of these guys touching and grabbing me everywhere. Then I really got my hard. I started playing with my ass and thinking about that guy who came to see me. He would have licked my ass all day and all night if I let him. I teased him so much, I made him want to fuck me so bad. That's when check out, "Afternoon Shower.""

While discussions of deep engagement and restraint understandably focus primarily on their differences, it is worth pointing out that these worldviews share a number of blind spots. First, both sides exaggerate the importance of the United States in world politics. They assume that when we see regional instability it is either because an absence of U.S. engagement allowed local security dilemmas to flare up (deep engagement), or because an overabundance of U.S. engagement exacerbated regional rivalries (restraint). Except in cases where local actors can confidently take U.S. intervention as a given, however, it is likely that the decisions regional powers make about war and peace are driven much more by local concerns: their particular interests and vulnerabilities, the balance of power with their immediate neighbors, historical rivalries and animosities, domestic incentives and constraints, and so on. Just because the United States must make choices about how to engage with the world does not mean that those choices always matter to other states.

Lastly, the overstretch school cautions that military superiority is not only unnecessary but can also be self-defeating.40 The United States, according to this perspective, is insulated from geopolitical competition due to its remote location, remains safe from major attacks thanks to its nuclear deterrent, and can resort to buck-passing behavior to avoiding paying the price of containment when great power threats do emerge. Pursuing military superiority also has the potential to be ruinously expensive and extremely provocative. In the end, no margin of advantage will ever be adequate because rivals will always try to catch up, and no self-interested nation will ever view a U.S. arms buildup as purely defensive because it knows that intentions can change quickly. Moreover, should the United States manage to restore its superiority, the unintended consequences of unchecked dominance could end up harming its security. For instance, a large margin of advantage can be a barrier to innovation by encouraging officials to emphasize legacy capabilities and concepts that become increasingly outmoded over time. Even more important, without the structural pressure imposed by power parity or something close to it, Washington might be tempted once again to engage in costly interventions against comparatively minor threats that sap its strength and create opportunities for rivals to catch up.

Money is, of course, a necessary component of military superiority, but it is not everything. Sustaining military superiority in a constrained budget environment is very possible. It simply depends more on how the defense budget shrinks rather than whether or how much it does. The degree to which cuts decrease, maintain, or increase military capabilities depends on how they are implemented. Cuts can be targeted, preserving some line items or services while cutting others, or they can be across-the-board, impacting all areas of the budget uniformly, regardless of strategic priorities. History shows that cuts may actually increase capabilities if specific areas of the budget are spared and funds are redirected away from unnecessary or inefficient programs and towards investments tied more directly to strategic priorities, provoking innovation, deliberate retrenchment, and fiscal solvency.53 Despite the advantages of targeted cuts, they are not politically easy to achieve, and only take place when policymakers have confidence in their understanding of the nature of the international threat environment.

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